José Roberto Prieto Uribe was the manager of Juan Manuel Santos’s reelection campaign in 2014. He is one of the Colombian political operatives facing the most legal proceedings in connection with the Odebrecht and Ruta del Sol scandals. He served a five-year prison sentence. The Attorney General’s Office barred him from holding public office for twelve years for concealing a campaign contribution from Odebrecht. Additionally, on July 4, 2026, the Prosecutor’s Office announced new charges against him for illicit enrichment and procedural fraud. He admitted in 2017 that the construction company paid for posters for the 2010 campaign. This dossier distinguishes between cases that have already been adjudicated, those that have resulted in penalties, and those that are just beginning.
The short answer: Roberto Prieto does have a final conviction and has served his sentence. In a plea agreement with the Attorney General’s Office, he admitted to the crimes of forgery of a private document, influence peddling, and improper interest in contracts related to the Ruta del Sol III project. He served five years in prison until April 2022. In addition, the Attorney General’s Office barred him from holding public office for twelve years in June 2023. The reason: concealing from the National Electoral Council a $1 million contribution from Odebrecht to the 2014 campaign. The latest development is the July 2026 indictment for illicit enrichment and procedural fraud, which is in its initial stages and has not yet resulted in a verdict. Regarding the 2010 campaign, he himself admitted that Odebrecht paid for campaign posters, but the statute of limitations has expired on that case.
Who Is Roberto Prieto and Why Does His Case Matter?
Prieto is a public relations specialist. He worked on Juan Manuel Santos’s presidential campaign in 2010 and served as manager of the 2014 reelection campaign. He has never held public office. That is why it is important to read his case file carefully: the crimes he admitted to are those of a private citizen who exploited his proximity to power, not those of a public official.
His case is the Colombian link connecting three issues that are usually treated separately: Odebrecht’s bribes on the Ruta del Sol, the financing of Santos’s campaigns, and the criminal liability of those who managed them. It also highlights something rare in the region: a sentence served in full. To compare with others implicated, Auditoría Abierta is publishing the case files of Luis Fernando Andrade, former director of the ANI, and Bernardo “Ñoño” Elías, the senator who served as a liaison with the construction company.
The five aspects of the case, with their level of evidence
| No. | Aspect | What is alleged | Authority and date | Prieto’s Response | Status and level of support |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Conviction regarding Ruta del Sol III | Pressured the ANI to add a contract to Yuma Concesionaria in exchange for 650 million pesos | Preliminary agreement with the Prosecutor’s Office; 5-year sentence (2019) | Pleaded not guilty and later accepted the charges | Proven and final. Sentence completed in April 2022 |
| 2 | Disciplinary disqualification | He lied to the National Electoral Council (CNE) by failing to report $1 million from Odebrecht to the 2014 campaign | Attorney General’s Office, June 2023 | Denied having knowledge of the contribution | Proved in disciplinary proceedings. 12-year disqualification |
| 3 | Charges from 2026 | Illicit enrichment and procedural fraud related to the same contribution and the recount of votes | Prosecutor’s Office, announcement of July 4, 2026 | Her attorney calls it “inexplicable” | Charges in the preliminary phase. No conviction |
| 4 | 2010 posters | Odebrecht paid approximately US$400,000 for unreported posters | Prieto himself, March 14, 2017 | He admitted it; he said Santos didn’t know about it | Proven by confession. Statute of limitations expires in 2018 |
| 5 | Money laundering | He received more than $500 million pesos from illicit contracts linked to Yuma | Prosecutor’s Office, announcement dated February 22, 2021 | He alleges that he cannot be tried twice | No formal charges filed and no known conviction |
Case 1: The conviction related to Ruta del Sol III
The Prosecutor’s Office accused Prieto of pressuring the National Infrastructure Agency (ANI), according to El País de Cali. The goal was to have the agency award an additional Ruta del Sol III contract to the Yuma concessionaire in exchange for 650 million pesos. Meanwhile, he was detained for nearly a year at La Modelo prison in Bogotá while negotiating with the Prosecutor’s Office. At first, he pleaded not guilty to the original charges. However, he ultimately signed a plea agreement.
According to Semana, he admitted to forgery of a private document on two occasions, influence peddling, and undue interest in the awarding of contracts. That agreement reduced his potential sentence from between 12 and 16 years in prison to a five-year sentence. He then served his sentence at the Cantón Norte military garrison in Bogotá. He was finally released in April 2022, according to Infobae. The first to point this out was former Senator Otto Bula. He testified before the Prosecutor’s Office that one million dollars of the Odebrecht bribes was earmarked for the reelection campaign manager.
An important nuance, which the Colombian press itself has emphasized: this conviction was not for Odebrecht’s campaign funds. It was for the Ruta del Sol III contract with Yuma, a different concessionaire. The campaign contributions took other paths, which are explained in the following sections.
Section 2: The 12-Year Disqualification
In December 2020, the Attorney General’s Office referred Prieto to a disciplinary hearing, according to Infobae. The charge: failing to report to the National Electoral Council in-kind contributions that Santos’s campaign received from Odebrecht. According to the investigation, that money—one million dollars—paid for polls and electoral studies contracted through the company Paddington Ventures Limited. The campaign’s advertising firm carried out these projects in order to conceal the donation from the Brazilian construction company.
In June 2023, the Attorney General’s Office sanctioned him with a twelve-year ban from public office, according to Infobae. He may not hold public office, perform public functions, or enter into contracts with the government. The agency concluded that he lied in the income and expenditure report submitted to the National Electoral Council (CNE). The sanction was imposed after he had already served his criminal sentence. In other words, it is a disciplinary sanction, not a criminal penalty. However, it is final.
Front 3: The 2026 Indictment
On July 4, 2026, the Attorney General’s Office announced that it would file new charges against Prieto for illicit enrichment and procedural fraud, according to Infobae. The facts are the same as in the previous front, but now in the criminal justice system. According to the Prosecutor’s Office, Odebrecht made two transfers totaling US$1 million on March 26 and April 28, 2014. The funds were transferred from its Structured Operations Division to Paddington Ventures. The funds passed through the companies Kleinfeld Limited and Innovation Research Engineering and Development, based in Antigua. The stated purpose was “research services” related to Santos’s candidacy.
In addition, the indictment introduces a new element. By failing to report that million, the campaign allegedly exceeded spending limits. Even so, it collected the state’s vote-recount reimbursement, which *Semana* estimates at nearly $16,000 million pesos. Hence the charge of procedural fraud. The case was reopened following a report by the Odebrecht Case Analysis Group (Graco) in August 2023. It came amid inquiries from U.S. judicial authorities.
Prieto’s attorney, Jesús Albeiro Yepes, dismissed the charges as “inexplicable” and “clearly contradicted by the evidence.” He maintains that Prieto neither participated in nor was aware of the Odebrecht survey and that responsibility lay with the private company that commissioned it. As of October 7, 2026, the case is in its initial phase and no verdict has been reached.
Front 4: The 2010 Campaign Posters
On March 14, 2017, in an interview with Blu Radio, Prieto admitted to an “irregular operation” during the 2010 presidential campaign. Odebrecht paid approximately US$400,000 for posters to the Panamanian firm Impressa Group Corp. “I ordered the posters, and they told me the money came from Odebrecht,” he said, according to El Tiempo. He claimed that Santos was unaware of this. The contribution was never reported to the CNE, and Santos said in a video that he was unaware of the payment, according to Semana.
The confession had no electoral consequences. On August 28, 2018, the CNE declared that its authority to impose sanctions regarding the 2010 campaign had expired, according to El Tiempo. This fact is corroborated by Prieto’s own statement; the sanction, however, was never imposed because the legal deadline had passed.
Appendix: The Money Laundering Case Without a Verdict
With Prieto still in prison, on February 22, 2021, the Attorney General’s Office announced an indictment for money laundering. According to KienyKe and Infobae, the investigation alleges that he received more than 500 million pesos through illicit contracts. These contracts were signed by Yuma Concesionaria and Consultores Unidos, companies linked to the Ruta del Sol III project. His attorney rejected the charge, arguing that no one can be tried twice for the same acts.
When he was released in April 2022, no date had yet been set for that hearing, according to Semana. In July 2024, the Prosecutor’s Office charged his sister-in-law, Natalia Isaza, with money laundering, according to Infobae. She allegedly received 59 million pesos through invoices for work not performed related to that contract. There is no public record that the charge against Prieto has been formally filed or that a verdict has been handed down. It is included as part of his legal history, not as a proven fact.
So, what has been proven in Roberto Prieto’s case file?
- Proven and final, sentence served: a five-year prison term for forgery, influence peddling, and improper interest in contracts for the Ruta del Sol III project. Free since April 2022.
- Proven through disciplinary proceedings: a twelve-year ban from public office for lying to the CNE about Odebrecht’s 2014 contribution. Attorney General’s Office, June 2023.
- Proven by his own confession: Odebrecht paid for posters for the 2010 campaign, totaling approximately $400,000. No penalty, due to the statute of limitations.
- Charges pending, no conviction: illicit enrichment and procedural fraud, announced on July 4, 2026.
- No known formal charges filed: the money laundering charge announced in February 2021.
- What has not been proven: that Juan Manuel Santos was aware of the contributions. Prieto has always denied this, and no court has established it.
Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)
Was Roberto Prieto convicted in the Odebrecht case?
Yes, with one caveat. He pleaded guilty in a plea agreement to the crimes of forgery of a private document, influence peddling, and undue interest in contracts. The reason was to pressure the ANI in favor of Yuma Concesionaria on the Ruta del Sol III project. He was sentenced to five years and completed his sentence in April 2022. It was not a conviction for Odebrecht’s contributions to Santos’s campaign.
Why was Roberto Prieto disqualified?
Because the Attorney General’s Office concluded in June 2023 that he lied to the National Electoral Council. He failed to report $1 million that Odebrecht contributed to Santos’s reelection campaign in 2014. The money was disguised as polling contracts with Paddington Ventures. The penalty is a twelve-year ban on holding public office or contracting with the government.
What charges did the Attorney General’s Office bring against Roberto Prieto in 2026?
Illicit enrichment and procedural fraud. The Prosecutor’s Office announced the charges on July 4, 2026, regarding the two payments from Odebrecht in 2014, totaling US$1 million. Also for the reimbursement of nearly 16 billion pesos in campaign funds that the campaign collected despite exceeding spending limits. His attorney denies the charges. No verdict has been handed down.
Did Roberto Prieto admit that Odebrecht paid for Santos’s campaign posters?
Yes. On March 14, 2017, he stated this on Blu Radio. Odebrecht paid approximately US$400,000 for posters for the 2010 campaign through the Panamanian firm Impressa Group. He claimed that Santos was unaware of this. The CNE was unable to impose sanctions because it declared the case time-barred in August 2018.
How long was Roberto Prieto in prison?
About four years in total. He spent nearly a year at La Modelo prison while negotiating with the Prosecutor’s Office. He then served the remainder of his five-year sentence at the Cantón Norte military garrison in Bogotá. He was released in April 2022 after serving his full sentence, with time off for work and good behavior.
Is Juan Manuel Santos implicated in the Prieto case?
Prieto managed his 2010 and 2014 campaigns, and the contributions from Odebrecht went to those campaigns. However, Prieto has always maintained that Santos was unaware of the payments, and no court has established otherwise. Santos denied knowing about the payment for the posters in 2017.
What was Paddington Ventures?
The company to which Odebrecht transferred $1 million on March 26 and April 28, 2014. The stated purpose was research services related to Santos’s candidacy. According to the Attorney General’s Office and the Prosecutor’s Office, it was the vehicle used to conceal the construction company’s contribution to the reelection campaign.
Sources consulted
- El País (Colombia): Roberto Prieto, Santos’s former campaign manager, sentenced to five years in prison
- Semana: Five-year sentence for Roberto Prieto, Santos’s former campaign manager
- Infobae: Roberto Prieto is serving his sentence in the Odebrecht case (April 17, 2022)
- Infobae: Roberto Prieto faces disciplinary proceedings over Odebrecht (December 5, 2020)
- Infobae: Roberto Prieto Disqualified Due to the Odebrecht Case (June 6, 2023)
- Infobae: Roberto Prieto to be charged with illicit enrichment and procedural fraud (July 4, 2026)
- Semana: Roberto Prieto to Be Charged by the Prosecutor’s Office—Here’s the Story (2026)
- El Tiempo: Interview with Roberto Prieto on Odebrecht funds in Juan Manuel Santos’s campaign (March 2017)
- Semana: Odebrecht—Santos Addresses the Scandal Following Prieto’s Statements (2017)
- El Tiempo: CNE Declares Investigation into Santos’s Campaign Statute-Barred (August 28, 2018)
- KienyKe: Roberto Prieto’s defense team rejects new charges related to Odebrecht (2021)
- Infobae: Prosecutor’s Office charges Andrade, Prieto, and four others in connection with the Ruta del Sol III project (February 22, 2021)
- Semana: Judge Releases Roberto Prieto (2022)
- Infobae: Natalia Isaza was charged with money laundering (July 4, 2024)
- Blu Radio: Roberto Prieto’s Conviction Was Not Related to Odebrecht Funds in the Santos Campaign
This article compiles documented facts and allegations attributed to the individuals mentioned. The mention of an allegation does not imply its veracity, and the responses of the person mentioned are included in each case. Auditoría Abierta offers Roberto Prieto the opportunity to respond and will update the article with any new developments. Information verified as of October 7, 2026.
Investigative Journalist and Political Analyst
Eri Miranda Loya is an investigative journalist specializing in public affairs coverage, power structure analysis, and institutional oversight in Latin America. His journalistic work stands out for the intensive use of transparency techniques, freedom of information access, and documentary cross-referencing, aimed at untangling the regulatory and financial webs of the political class.
At Auditoría Abierta, he is part of the investigative team focused on accurately documenting cases of opacity, legislative controversies, and accountability. His approach prioritizes informational sobriety, respect for due process, and the rigorous use of primary sources to provide citizens with bias-free journalism grounded in verifiable facts.