Alejandro Sinibaldi Aparicio served as Guatemala’s Minister of Communications, Infrastructure, and Housing from 2012 to 2014 and was a presidential primary candidate for the Patriotic Party in 2015. He is the Guatemalan official with the most open corruption cases in the past decade. At least six separate cases, with Odebrecht being just one of them. He spent more than four years on the run and turned himself in in August 2020. Since then, the courts have closed, reopened, and closed again most of his cases. In June 2026, the Constitutional Court confirmed the definitive closure of the Odebrecht case in his favor. As of October 7, 2026, he has no convictions. This report covers every aspect of the case.
The short answer: Alejandro Sinibaldi has not been convicted of any crime. The only definitive action taken against him is an administrative sanction from the United States. On December 3, 2019, he was designated for significant corruption along with his family. The Odebrecht case, the best known of these, was closed in his favor. The Constitutional Court upheld the dismissal on June 25, 2026, and he will not face trial. Other cases remain technically open, such as “Co-optation of the State” and “Bantrab-Arca,” but there are no formal charges or trial dates set. What has been proven is that he fled Guatemala for more than four years. Also, that his alleged front man was sentenced to twelve years. Sinibaldi maintains that the investigation against him was illegal.
Who Is Alejandro Sinibaldi and Why Does His Case Matter?
Sinibaldi, known as “Sipi,” served as Minister of Communications in the administration of Otto Pérez Molina and Roxana Baldetti. He oversaw the ministry with the largest public works budget in the country. In 2015, he was the presidential primary candidate for the Patriotic Party. He resigned amid the corruption cases that the Special Prosecutor’s Office Against Impunity (FECI) and the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) uncovered against that administration.
His case is significant because it is the Guatemalan case that best illustrates a trajectory opposite to that of most cases in this series. Instead of accumulating convictions, Sinibaldi has seen his cases closed one after another. And because the complaint he filed led, in 2025, to arrest warrants against those who investigated him. Among them were former CICIG Commissioner Iván Velásquez and former Attorney General Thelma Aldana. To compare with other cases in Guatemala, Auditoría Abierta is publishing the cases of Roberto Arzú and Samuel Pérez Álvarez.
The eight aspects of the case, with their level of substantiation
| No. | Point | What is claimed | Who makes the claim and when | Sinibaldi’s Response | Status and standard of living |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | On the run for more than four years | He fled Guatemala in July 2016 and lived in Italy, the Netherlands, and Mexico | Prensa Libre, InSight Crime; Sinibaldi himself upon turning himself in | He described himself as an “exile” and a “fugitive” | Confirmed. He turned himself in on August 24, 2020 |
| 2 | State Co-optation and “La Coperacha” | He raised illicit funds for the Patriotic Party and for gifts for Pérez Molina and Baldetti | FECI and CICIG; Judge Miguel Ángel Gálvez, September 2020 | Denies | Linked to the case. No formal charges or trial |
| 3 | Bantrab-Arca | Embezzled Q26 million from the Workers’ Bank to a company he owned to finance the 2012 campaign | FECI | Denies | Lack of merit in 2020; closure revoked by the Constitutional Court in April 2024. No trial |
| 4 | Transurbano and ASA | Linked to shell companies with contracts in the transportation system | Eleventh Criminal Court, arrest warrant issued in September 2019 | Denied | No formal charges or conviction |
| 5 | Construction and Corruption | Led an organization that collected commissions ranging from 5% to 15% on construction contracts | FECI and CICIG, July 2017 | Denies | Under investigation. His front man was sentenced to 12 years; he has not been convicted |
| 6 | Odebrecht Case | Arranged bribes totaling nearly US$19 million for the CA-2 Occidente highway | FECI, 2018 | Denies the allegations; accuses FECI of illegal conduct | Case closed in his favor. The Constitutional Court upheld the dismissal on June 25, 2026 |
| 7 | U.S. Designation | “Participated in and benefited from corruption in the public sector” | Department of State, December 3, 2019 | No public response on record | Proven as an administrative sanction, not a criminal one |
| 8 | Complaint against the FECI and the CICIG | Its investigators committed conspiracy and obstruction of justice | Third Appeals Chamber, 26 arrests in June 2025 | He is the complainant | Orders overturned by the CSJ in April 2026 |
Front 1: The Flight and the Extradition
Sinibaldi left Guatemala on July 11, 2016, shortly after withdrawing his candidacy, according to Prensa Libre. He spent most of those years in Italy and later fled to the Netherlands and Mexico, according to InSight Crime. In December 2019, the United States designated him a fugitive from justice.
On August 24, 2020, after more than four years, he turned himself in at the Mexican border, escorted by Interpol. “I have lived in exile for four years and three months—or to put it more simply: as a fugitive from justice,” he stated. This was reported by Nómada. By then, he had at least eight arrest warrants against him. This is the most solid fact in the case file, because he admitted it himself.
Front 2: Co-optation of the State and “La Coperacha”
This is the oldest case and the first one he faced after turning himself in. The FECI and the CICIG documented a scheme of illicit financing, according to Prensa Libre. Former officials of the Patriotic Party collected commissions from companies between 2012 and 2015 in exchange for contracts. The “La Coperacha” case stemmed from this investigation, according to Plaza Pública. It alleges that Sinibaldi and other former ministers used public funds to purchase gifts for Pérez Molina and Baldetti. The nickname “Sipi” appeared in a fundraising document, according to Nómada.
In September 2020, then-Judge Miguel Ángel Gálvez indicted him on charges of criminal association and money laundering. The Asset Forfeiture Court continues to hold several luxury properties under seizure, according to Prensa Libre. The FECI maintains that these properties served as offices, warehouses, and the party’s campaign headquarters. The case remains without formal charges or a trial date. For his part, Judge Gálvez left Guatemala in 2022 after being accused of wrongdoing.
Front 3: Bantrab-Arca
This investigation focused on an alleged diversion of funds from the Workers’ Bank (Bantrab) to a company called Arca, linked to Sinibaldi, according to Plaza Pública. The money is said to have financed part of the Patriotic Party’s 2012 campaign. The amount in question was Q26 million, according to RICIG.
On October 15, 2020, in his initial ruling, Judge Pedro Laynez dismissed the case for lack of merit. He acquitted him in this case. The Fourth Appeals Chamber upheld that decision. However, in April 2024, the Constitutional Court overturned the dismissal, according to Plaza Pública. As of the date of the sources consulted, the case was still pending, with no trial having taken place.
Front 4: Transurbano and ASA
The investigation into the Transurbano case, centered on Manuel Baldizón, implicated Sinibaldi due to his ties to two shell companies, according to RICIG. These are Seguridad ASA, S.A. and Servicios Marítimos y Aéreos del Norte, S.A., which benefited from security contracts for the capital’s transportation system. In September 2019, the Eleventh Criminal Court ordered his arrest. No formal charges or conviction have been reported.
Front 5: Construction and Corruption
The FECI and CICIG uncovered this case in July 2017, according to Prensa Comunitaria. It describes an alleged scheme led by Sinibaldi to collect bribes for construction projects commissioned by the Ministry of Communications itself. The commissions ranged from 5% to 15% of the contract value, in exchange for managing the disbursements.
On this front, there has been a conviction, but not against him. René Felipe Cardona Pérez was the legal representative of companies linked to Sinibaldi. In November 2019, he was sentenced to twelve years in prison for criminal conspiracy and money laundering. The conviction became final on October 2, 2024, when the Constitutional Court rejected his final appeal, according to Prensa Comunitaria. His brother, Luis Rodrigo Sinibaldi, has had an arrest warrant out since 2017 in connection with this case. Sinibaldi has not been convicted for these acts.
Front 6: The Odebrecht Case, Closed in His Favor
According to the FECI, as cited by Prensa Comunitaria, Odebrecht paid bribes totaling nearly US$19 million. In exchange, it secured the CA-2 Occidente highway, between Cocales and Tecún Umán. The investigation identified Sinibaldi and Manuel Baldizón as the main beneficiaries, according to La Hora. A group of shell companies served as a mechanism to hide the money.
The legal proceedings were erratic. In July 2023, High-Risk Court D dismissed the case due to lack of evidence. In September 2023, a High-Risk Chamber overturned that dismissal, according to Prensa Comunitaria. On April 24, 2024, Judge Abelina Cruz dismissed the case again. On June 4, 2025, the Constitutional Court overturned an injunction issued by the Supreme Court, according to La Hora. It ordered that Sinibaldi stand trial. Subsequently, High-Risk Court D dismissed the case and quashed the charges of money laundering and passive bribery.
On June 25, 2026, the Constitutional Court dismissed the appeals filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Attorney General’s Office, according to Emisoras Unidas. It thus upheld the dismissal. Sinibaldi will not face trial in connection with the Odebrecht case. It is important to clarify the term: a dismissal is a procedural closure, not an acquittal following a trial. No one examined the evidence during oral arguments. The three individuals convicted in 2019 of laundering money from this scheme also had their sentences overturned in April 2023 due to procedural defects. La Hora reported in September 2026 on the release of Baldizón and Sinibaldi in this case.
Front 7: The U.S. Designation
On December 3, 2019, while he was still a fugitive, the State Department publicly designated him for “significant corruption” under Section 7031(c), according to Prensa Libre. The measure bars him, his wife, his eldest son, and two younger sons from entering the United States. Then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced this on social media. The official text states that Sinibaldi “participated in and benefited from corruption in the public sector,” according to La Red 106.1. This is an administrative sanction imposed by a foreign government, not a criminal conviction. There is no record of it having been reversed.
Front 8: The Complaint Against Those Who Investigated Him
Sinibaldi filed the complaint that led to criminal proceedings against the investigators of the Odebrecht case, according to Prensa Libre. In June 2025, the Third Appeals Chamber ordered 26 arrests on charges of criminal conspiracy, influence peddling, and obstruction of justice. Among those affected were former CICIG Commissioner Iván Velásquez and former Attorney General Thelma Aldana, as well as former FECI Director Juan Francisco Sandoval and Colombia’s Attorney General, Luz Adriana Camargo.
In April 2026, the Supreme Court’s Amparo Chamber overturned those orders, ruling that the Appeals Chamber had acted beyond its jurisdiction, according to Prensa Comunitaria. It described the ruling as “illegal and a violation of fundamental rights.” Sinibaldi has maintained that the investigation against him was marked by “terrible illegalities” committed by Sandoval and his team, according to Emisoras Unidas. This development is significant because it reverses the roles: the person under investigation has become the complainant.
So, what has been proven in Alejandro Sinibaldi’s case file?
- Proven by his own statement: he was a fugitive from justice for more than four years, from July 2016 to August 2020.
- Proven through an administrative sanction: The United States designated him for significant corruption on December 3, 2019. This is not a criminal conviction.
- Proved with respect to third parties: his alleged front man, René Cardona, is serving a twelve-year prison sentence for money laundering in the “Construction and Corruption” case.
- Case closed in his favor, without trial: the Odebrecht case. Dismissal upheld by the Constitutional Court on June 25, 2026.
- Cases open without formal charges: Co-optation of the State, Bantrab-Arca, Transurbano, and Construction and Corruption.
- Documented: His complaint led to arrest warrants against the investigators, which were overturned in April 2026.
- Convictions: none.
Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)
Was Alejandro Sinibaldi convicted of corruption?
No. No Guatemalan court has convicted him. The Odebrecht case was closed in his favor in 2026, and the other cases remain without formal charges or trial. The only definitive action taken against him is the U.S. designation for corruption in December 2019.
Will Sinibaldi stand trial in the Odebrecht case?
No. The High-Risk Court D dismissed the case. The Constitutional Court upheld this decision on June 25, 2026, by rejecting the appeals filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Attorney General’s Office. This is a procedural closure, not an acquittal following a trial.
How long was Alejandro Sinibaldi a fugitive?
Four years and three months, according to his own account. He left Guatemala on July 11, 2016, and turned himself in on August 24, 2020, at the border with Mexico. He lived in Italy, the Netherlands, and Mexico. At the time of his surrender, he had at least eight arrest warrants outstanding.
Why did the United States sanction Sinibaldi?
For “significant corruption.” The State Department designated him on December 3, 2019, under Section 7031(c), along with his wife and three children. The measure bars them from entering the United States. It is an administrative sanction, not a criminal conviction.
What is the “Construction and Corruption” case?
An investigation by the FECI and the CICIG, revealed in July 2017. It describes an alleged scheme that collected commissions ranging from 5% to 15% on construction contracts from the Ministry of Communications, which Sinibaldi headed. His alleged front man, René Cardona, was sentenced to twelve years. Sinibaldi has not been convicted.
What happened to the arrest warrants against Iván Velásquez and Thelma Aldana?
They were issued by the Third Appeals Chamber in June 2025, following a complaint filed by Sinibaldi against those who investigated him in connection with Odebrecht. In April 2026, the Supreme Court overturned them, ruling that the Chamber had acted beyond its jurisdiction and in an “illegal” manner.
Has any of Sinibaldi’s property been seized?
Yes. The Asset Forfeiture Court has seized several luxury properties as part of the “Co-optation of the State” case. According to the FECI, they were used as offices, warehouses, and the campaign headquarters of the Patriotic Party.
What does Sinibaldi say about the allegations?
He claims that the investigation against him involved “gross illegalities” attributed to former FECI chief Juan Francisco Sandoval and his team, and that people were convicted “based on lies and falsehoods.” He denies the allegations in all cases and appeared before the courts in 2020, “trusting in the professionalism” of the judicial system.
Sources consulted
- Prensa Libre: Alejandro Sinibaldi, accused of corruption and a fugitive since 2016, turns himself in (August 24, 2020)
- InSight Crime: Return of fugitive promises new revelations of corruption in Guatemala
- Nómada: Here Is a Summary of the Charges Against Alejandro Sinibaldi (2020)
- Nómada: Sinibaldi Will First Target the Businessmen Who Turned Him In (2020)
- Prensa Libre: Sinibaldi and the Cases That Have Brought Him Before the Courts (2020)
- Plaza Pública: Sinibaldi’s Legal Strategy to Avoid Five Corruption Cases (2024)
- Plaza Pública: Interview with Sinibaldi (2024)
- RICIG: Alejandro Sinibaldi Surrenders to Justice (2020)
- Prensa Comunitaria: Deportation proceedings against Alejandro Sinibaldi’s brother in the “Construction and Corruption” case move forward (March 2023)
- Community Press: Odebrecht Case: Ruling That Had Closed the Case Against Alejandro Sinibaldi Overturned (September 2023)
- La Hora: Odebrecht Case: Setback for Sinibaldi from the CC; Supreme Court Revokes Injunction, and He Must Stand Trial (June 4, 2025)
- Emisoras Unidas: Odebrecht Case: Constitutional Court Upholds Ruling Dismissing Case, Benefiting Sinibaldi (June 25, 2026)
- Prensa Comunitaria: Constitutional Court upholds ruling in favor of Alejandro Sinibaldi; he will not face trial for corruption (June 2026)
- La Hora: Odebrecht Case: From the international mega-scandal to the release of Manuel Baldizón and Alejandro Sinibaldi (September 7, 2026)
- Prensa Libre: United States designates Alejandro Sinibaldi and his family (December 3, 2019)
- La Red 106.1: State Department Designates Alejandro Sinibaldi as a Corrupt Individual (2019)
- Prensa Libre: Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ) Overturns Arrest Warrants Against Former Prosecutors and Former CICIG Officials in the Odebrecht Case (April 2026)
- Prensa Comunitaria: Supreme Court of Justice (CSJ) overturns arrest warrants against Iván Velásquez and former anti-corruption prosecutors (April 2026)
- Prensa Comunitaria: Alejandro Sinibaldi’s front man must serve a sentence for two crimes (October 2024)
- Prensa Libre: Odebrecht Case: Court Overturns Verdict Against Three Individuals Implicated in Case Linked to Alejandro Sinibaldi (April 13, 2023)
This article compiles documented facts and allegations attributed to the individuals mentioned. The mention of an allegation does not imply its veracity, and the responses of the person mentioned are included in each case. Auditoría Abierta offers Alejandro Sinibaldi the opportunity to respond and will update the article with any new developments. Information verified as of October 7, 2026.

Investigative Journalist and Political Analyst
Eri Miranda Loya is an investigative journalist specializing in public affairs coverage, power structure analysis, and institutional oversight in Latin America. His journalistic work stands out for the intensive use of transparency techniques, freedom of information access, and documentary cross-referencing, aimed at untangling the regulatory and financial webs of the political class.
At Auditoría Abierta, he is part of the investigative team focused on accurately documenting cases of opacity, legislative controversies, and accountability. His approach prioritizes informational sobriety, respect for due process, and the rigorous use of primary sources to provide citizens with bias-free journalism grounded in verifiable facts.